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(no subject) [Dec. 3rd, 2009|01:53 pm]
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Nothing Nice to Say [Dec. 3rd, 2009|01:40 pm]
I really have nothing nice to say. A thirteen year old me had the basic insight that life sucks. But even when I tried to imagine a better world—which I think is a necessary goal, if we want to survive—I still had a problem with being as such. Something about it fills me with hatred and disgust. The best possible world is still horrible because it exists.

Despite all the changes I’ve been through over the years, this feeling persists. Or rather, it continually resurfaces.

But then I shift perspectives and I have a sense of ultimate certainty in which all contradictions are resolved. I’m gone. The world is gone. “Aside from Brahman, not a thing is.”

Then I feel some other way, or another way, usually bad. Usually foreboding. I deeply resonate with the Christian notion that the world is a vale of tears. But then sometimes I have this incredible feeling of hope. I experience love, the world is brimming with possibilities. All the while death beckons. I want to be totally annihilated.




Any attempt to improve the lot of humanity is based on a Pascalian wager. It may work, but it may not. If we don’t do anything, things will definitely get worse. Things could still get worse even if we do something. Yet to maintain any semblance of a will to live, I have to make the wager.

I also rely on the notion of grace. According to the recent film about his life, Quentin Crisp said that if we humans got what we really deserved, we would all starve to death. To persevere, we have to heroically grant ourselves grace, despite our monstrousness.

I would much prefer to have a purely religious world view. Science and rationality are useful but they undermine my will to live, which is transrational. Knowledge is always bound up with practice, so I once said that science cannot give us any ultimate truth, but can only give us more and more effective ways (up to a point) to use nature instrumentally. I still agree with that, but don’t see the answer as an unproblematic return to religion. My problem with religion is that any settled religious view seems to have regressive political implications. I don’t see these tensions resolving themselves anytime soon.

Nevertheless Advaita Vedanta is my only real consolation.

I can be a hard worker but I don’t do the work that others think I should be doing. Mostly I’m lazy and have a burning desire to be intoxicated out of my mind.

Every act requires a Pascalian wager, if thinking is involved at all.

We’re closer to Orwell than to Star Trek.
I’d still like to meet Genesis P-Orridge and not only because s/he once dressed as a snail and crawled down the streets of Hull.

Maybe it’s possible to live. Maybe.

As it is so be it?
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The Mideavel Midwives of the Modern University [Dec. 1st, 2009|10:24 am]
[Current Music |Nina Simone - House of the Rising Sun]

In ancient times there were institutions that resembled the modern university in many ways. In Greece, both Plato and Aristotle founded academies that carried on the instruction of philosophy beyond their own lifetimes, influencing many pupils who went on to shape Western history in profound ways. And there are examples of similar types of institutions in other societies, such as in the civilizations of ancient India and China. These institutions were important in their respective societies and served some functions that are still intelligible to us today. But the most immediate predecessor to the modern university is, of course, the monastic system in Medieval Europe, a system that does not form an unbroken continuity with Plato’s Academy or Aristotle’s Lyceum.

As we know, when the Roman Empire dissolved there was a great power vacuum in all areas where the empire had extended. In Europe there were few surviving institutions that could organize and provide meaning to social life. So it was the Christian Church that filled that void, partly because it already had a powerful base, as it had been the official state religion towards the end of the Empire, and was one of the few institutions that survived the collapse. For nearly 2,000 years it was the dominant institution in the Western world (and in the Eastern Christian world as well, though this was a different branch of Christianity).

But what is significant for us here is that through this period up until the Renaissance, or a little before, most learning took place within monastic orders or in the context of other clerical institutions. These religious leaders and bureaucrats were the ones who, after the fall of the Roman Empire and subsequent tumultuous historical episodes, recorded and preserved chronicles and earlier literary, mythological and folkloric works (and to a very limited extent the intellectual productions of the ancient world). These were the people who, for example, translated, provided commentaries and textual analysis of various kinds, and to a lesser extent tackled the big questions of the day in novel ways. In short, all of organized intellectual life was focused around the Church. And when the modern university appeared in the 11th Century, the first universities were very much derived from this former organization of intellectual life. Monastic orders were, in fact, founding the universities (we know of the Jesuits, the Dominicans and so forth who were all quite renowned for their pedagogical skills).

Taking into consideration the perspectives developed by Marx and Marxists, and by Foucault and others who have analyzed power relations, we can see that these ways of organizing intellectual life served particular power interests. In both cases they certainly and quite obviously served the interests of the Church, but they also served the interests of monarchs and the feudal aristocracy (throughout these two periods we are talking about feudal forms of class or caste society).

Here is the thesis put more concretely: In the earlier part of the Middle Ages, there were no universities and all of the learning was concentrated directly in the hands of Church authorities; and once universities actually were established in Europe, they were very much entangled with, in fact derived from, the ideological apparatuses of the Church. So, based on sociological perspectives on organizations—particularly the open systems theories which analyze and attempt to explain how it is that organizations are shaped by the outside environment of political, economic, cultural and other social conditions—we should expect the university, as an institution and as a particular type of organization, to bear the imprint of this historical process of development. More precisely, we should expect that since this form of intellectual life greatly served existing forms of power in society (that of the Church, monarchs and feudal aristocracy) it must reflect these types of power—it must to the extent that it is capable of reinforcing them, which it mostly does.

For example, in the periods that we have been discussing, we should expect the university to help perpetuate the types of inequality and stratification that exist in the society in which it appears. We can expect it to be organized primarily in a hierarchal way. And we can expect the type of learning that occurs to inculcate students with the ruling ideology while setting them on paths of endeavor acceptable to those groups that are dominant in society, at least more often than not if the university is to remain a functional part of the complex, structured whole that is the social totality. (The short answer: It does.)

The question then becomes, do these observations apply only to past epochs, or do they also apply today?

In thinking about this question, the first conspicuous fact that we must deal with is that, following the onset of capitalism and modernity,* the university certainly has not disappeared. In fact, it has become more and more important as a social institution, while its principle form has not changed. In other words, although there have been alterations over time, the basic structure of the university as a type of hierarchal learning institution (which is very much an elite system, open mostly to elites) has not changed. But because the university has survived from feudal and Church-dominated times to a modern, capitalist, scientific age (of which it is an integral part), it is no longer an aristocratic institution but rather a bourgeois institution (the university has been able to retain its basic form because, among other things, the feudal and capitalist modes of production are both class-based modes of production).

If we acknowledge these facts, we can begin to ask ourselves: “What are the implications of all this in terms of post-enlightenment dreams of creating a more democratic and egalitarian society?” Is the existing form of the university compatible with this vision of the world? These questions make a good starting point.






*For our purposes here, I do not know that it is necessary to speak of a very precise timeframe of modernity. But we can say, generally speaking, the past few hundred years when, in the West, such developments as the dissolution of feudalism and absolute monarchy have occurred, capitalism has been established as the predominant mode of production and science and high technology have pervaded most aspects of life, giving rise to novel, scientific forms of power.
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Whither the University? Towards a Revolutionary Critique of Higher Education for the 21st Century [Dec. 1st, 2009|10:05 am]
[Current Music |Nirvana - Heart Shaped Box]

As a result of the current economic recession, the inherent contradictions in U.S. universities among staff, students, faculty, administrators and outside stakeholders have intensified, erupting into open class conflict in some places. This is because—feeling great economic pressures—university administrators across the United States have followed the prevailing logic of the corporate world in the neoliberal era: Namely, they and their funders have responded to the crisis by striving for economic efficiency in the form of budget cuts, wage freezes, downsizing the workforce and increasing the cost of admissions, rather than seeking to address the fundamental sources of our economic ills and, furthermore, questioning how institutions of learning (especially so-called higher education) might be transformed to better meet the needs of students and society at large during this period of capitalist restructuring and onwards; during this period of economic crisis, in fact, university bureaucracies have taken steps that make the university even more elite and hierarchal than it was before.

That they have chosen this approach is not surprising, if we accept the perspectives developed by sociologists in regard to complex organizations. The open systems theories developed in the mid to late 1970s, in particular, offer some clues to understanding this response. These theories seek to show how organizations are fundamentally shaped by the “outside” environment of political, economic, cultural and other social conditions. They are conditioned by such factors as their dependency upon outside resources, normative pressures and the overall health of types of organizations (for example, a particular church could be in decline but this may be because that denomination as a whole is in decline). In keeping with the open systems theories, I maintain that grappling with this outside determination is necessary if we are to understand even the most “internal” conditions of a complex organization such as a university.

Considering the recent walkouts by staff and faculty at the University of Oakland in Michigan, and walkouts of staff and students across ten University of California campuses– as well as other recent manifestations of class conflict in the U.S. higher education system, which indicate nothing short of a crisis in education—it appears crucial that we take the time to consider the big questions surrounding learning in our society, and the university in particular.

During the 1960s, students, activists and other intellectuals asked serious questions about education. They asked whether educational institutions could be democratized. They asked whether educational institutions could be made to serve oppressed groups that had formerly been kept out of education. They asked whether new models of education could be used to actively engage people in learning, rather than simply depositing knowledge developed by elites in their minds and thereby effectively disempowering them, as some maintained that existing models of education did (see Paulo Friere's Pedegody of the Oppressed, for instance). In France, objective changes were actually made in the educational system as a result of the revolutionary upsurge of May 1968 (though most of these changes were rolled back), that period in which an alliance of workers and students disrupted the bourgeois order more profoundly, perhaps, than has any other movement, before or since, in a core state in the world capitalist system. Few educational systems around the world experienced such radical shocks as the French system, but they were certainly affected by the tumult of the time. Keeping in mind the recent developments relating to the economic recession that I mentioned above, I strongly propose that we take these questions up again and develop new ones which address concrete problems of the early 21st Century—in short, that we interrogate the university and its entanglement with the various forms of power that operate in contemporary society.

In order to do this we must not only address contemporary manifestations of struggle, but must also come to some understanding of why the university, as an institution, is the way it is. This necessitates an historical exploration.
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As it is [Nov. 18th, 2009|12:37 pm]
Now that I'm in a relationship with a woman, I've been forced to look at my sexual experiences from a new angle. And, avoiding any "discourse on the truth of sex" here, I've come to an interesting, tentative conclusion. Although I am more visually stimulated by SOME men (we're talking about a select few) than I am by most women, I actually enjoy sex and emotional rapport with women more than I enjoy those things with men. And by visual stimulation I specifically mean visceral erotic response, which is not to say that I don't find just as many women visually appealing. It was this visual aspect of my desire that led me to make such statements in the past as, "70% of my desire is directed towards men and 30% is directed towards women."

I realize, of course, that quantitative descriptions like this are pretty ridiculous, but it makes more sense to me than saying that I'm bisexual as a precise description of desire. In my vocabulary, LGBTQQI (or whatever) labels are political categories specific to a certain historical and cultural context, instead of being indicators of innate orientations. My two main reasons for this are:

A)The social factors shaping gender and sexuality are contingent rather than fixed, and we therefore need a more fluid way of thinking about how these things result. Social scientific perspectives developed thus far are somewhat useful but have severe limits. I don't personally posess an alternative, though I have some fantasmatic sense of a future sexuality that will have totally different coordinates. Here I take inspiration from Nietzsche's notion of "philosophers of the future" and Austin Osman Spare's "new sexuality."

B)I don't see similarity of desire as a legitimate basis for identity and unity. Just because you and I are both attracted to men doesn't mean that our desires are identical and are being produced in the same way, or that we have an innate connection. It is our experiences of oppression under the political regime of patriarchal heterosexuality (which are also not identical, as such experiences are overdetermined by class, race etc.) which should be the basis of unity. This is a question of strategy, which I unfortunately perceive in an increasingly Machiavellian way.

But what's more interesting to me is that I've been undergoing an even more fundamental shift, which is related to everything I've said already. Over the past couple of months my sexuality has become dramatically less visually oriented. I'm not being turned on very much by seeing attractive people. Even my sexual fantasies are about intimacy with my partner, instead of being based on visual cues. The field of desire has become more equalized. I am experiencing this subjectively as nothing less than a breakdown of the main coordinates that formerly structured my sexuality, and something rather different is emerging.


"Observe for yourselves the decay of the sense of sin, the growth of innocence and irresponsibility, the strange modifications of the reproductive instinct with a tendency to become bi-sexual or epicene, the childlike confidence in progress combined with nightmare fear of catastrophe, against which we are yet half unwilling to take precautions." - Aleister Crowley
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Zizek Fever [Nov. 18th, 2009|11:40 am]
Slavoj Zizek spoke at Loyola University last night, and of course I went with four other political dissidents. He was in top form and spoke on "the uses and misuses of violence." I can't describe how much funnier his shit and testicle jokes are in person, especially in a packed auditorium at a Jesuit university. He even went so far as to comment on how priests raping little boys is an integral part of church culture rather than being something that a few bad apples do.

He was thought provoking, as usual. There weren't too many surprises for me because I was already familiar with this material. Though there were a couple of new things. I was especially interested in his brief discussion of Louisiana, in which he said that as far as white middle class yankees are concerned, we may as well be part of Latin America, but in reality we are more U.S. American than they are! In a Hegelian sense, we are the excluded exception to universality (the American fantasy of unlimited prosperity) that is the real universality; in other words the poverty of the south tells the truth about this country. I defy any tenured apologist for capitalism - or anyone who believes that we live in a post-racist society - to go to the Mississippi Delta, for example.

I was also turned on to this popular article of Zizek's about post-Katrina New Orleans: The Subject Supposed to Loot and Rape. It ties in with research I'm doing these days on how fear of crime is ideologically generated and has the effect of legitimating and helping to expand the prison-industrial complex (the American gulag archipelago), despite the fact that violent crime, illegal drug use and more have been in decline since the early 1990s.*

He also made an interesting comment about Noam Chomsky. He said that Chomsky (and to a lesser extent, Frederic Jameson) act as though people today are totally cynical about the ruling ideology and therefore can be persuaded simply by bombarding them with facts. Putting the facts out there is important to do, Zizek said, but ideological critique is still necessary. As he has said for as long as he has been writing in English, at least, today's "cynicism" does not subvert the dominant ideology, but is in fact an integral component in it. It is one of the mechanisms that allows people to know very well that Wal-Mart and Starbucks are horrible but shop there anyway...

On a funnier note Loyola's campus really had Zizek fever. It was surreal to see statues of Jesuit priests wearing Zizek t-shirts, as well as large numbers of people walking around with such books as Welcome to the Desert of the Real in hand.

I also took this wonderful poster off a wall that had the heads of Zizek, Marx, Freud, Lacan and Hegel superimposed onto a jazz ensemble. After his talk Zizek signed it for me, during which process I managed to embarass myself because I spontaneously grabbed his hand and asked for his email address because I had a really complex question that I wasn't able to ask during the Q and A period, and couldn't be so importune as to ask it with all these other people in line. He wrote it without hesitation on the poster and seemed cordial enough, but I can't help but be horrified by the awkwardness and forwardness and perhaps doucheiness of my desperate gesture. Though this was probably less awkward than the encounter I had with Josephine Foster after her 2006 show in some house in the Marigny. That was awkward silence, which is another of my specialties.



*We should keep in mind, though, that sexual assault is EXTREMELY common, but the idea that the usual situation is a random black man raping women in a parking lot is an ideological fantasy. In the vast majority of cases the perpertrator is someone you know: a parent, a date, a spouse/partner etc. The implications of this are much more radical than the idea that the typical rapist is a deranged stranger. It means that we have a genuine culture of rape. I was actually sexually assaulted myself at 18 in just such a familiar situation.
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Hamburger Lady [Nov. 13th, 2009|06:07 pm]


"...By far the worst is the hamburger lady, and because of shortage right now of 'qualified technicians', e.g. technicians who can work with her and keep their last meal down, Screwloose Lauritzen and I have been alternating nights with her, unrelievedly. If you put a 250-lb meatloaf in the oven and then burned it and then followed that by propping it up on a potty-chair to greet you at 11pm each night, you would have some description of these past two weeks. Which is to say the worst I seen since viet napalms. When somebody tells you that there is a level of pain beyond which the human mind cannot retain consciousness, please tell them to write me. In point of fact this lady has not slept more than 3-5 minutes at a stretch since she came to us - that was over two weeks ago and, thanks to medical advances, there is no end in sight; from the waist (waste?) up everything is burned off, ears, nose etc - lower half is untouched and that, I guess, is what keeps her alive. I took one guy in to help me change tubes and he did alright, that is alright till he came out, then he spotted one of the burn nurses (pleasant smiling zombies) eating a can of chile-mac at the desk, and that did it: he flashed on the carpet. It is fucking insane is what it is."

-part of a letter sent by Al Ackerman from Portland, Oregon, U.S.A. 1978




I wonder how many "hamburger ladies" have resulted from U.S. foreign policy...
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Gorbachev Says Obama Should Start Afghan Withdrawal (Update2) [Nov. 12th, 2009|10:25 am]

'Nov. 10 (Bloomberg) -- Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, drawing on his experience of military failure in Afghanistan in the 1980s, said the U.S. can’t win the conflict there and should begin pulling out its soldiers.

'Afghanistan, where U.S. and NATO forces are battling a Taliban-led insurgency, is too fragmented between clans to be controlled militarily, Gorbachev, 78, said in an interview today in Berlin. While he said President Barack Obama would be unlikely to take his advice, Gorbachev said he saw no chance of success even with more U.S. troops.'

 

+



'Gorbachev said that relations between Russia and the U.S. are improving as America undergoes its own perestroika, or rebuilding, which he said had begun with the election of Obama as president last year.

'America should implement perestroika in the context of American society,” Gorbachev said. “I believe that people of America, most of them who voted in these elections -- and most of them voted for Obama -- did vote for change.”'

Read more

=

?
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Maoism (aka Mao Zedong Thought) [Oct. 1st, 2009|01:13 pm]
Taken from: http://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm


A theory and practice which claims to be an advancement of Marxism, developed as a critique of the Soviet Union. While Mao Zedong (1893-1976) valued Stalin as a “great Marxist-Leninist”, he explained Stalin committed some crucial errors:

1) He did not understand dialectics and ended up in metaphysics. He hence sometimes did not understand the demands of the masses. He did not distinguish between the different kinds of contradictions.
2) During the 30’s the regime of Stalin sentenced many innocents to death.
3) He did not conduct democratic centralism within the party good enough.
4) He did not handle the connections with foreign Communist parties well enough, espeically his handling of the 1927 events in China.
 

The result of these errors according to Maoism was that the Soviet Union was governed by a bureaucratic nomenclature which later was to conduct a “silent counterrevolution” turning the Soviet Union into an imperialist country, not crucially different from the USA.

These are the most distinct components of Maoism:

1) Guerrilla warfare/People’s War: The armed branch of the party must not be distinct from the masses. To conduct a successful revolution the needs and demands of the masses must be the most important issues.

2) New democracy: In backward countries socialism cannot be introduced before the country has gone through a period in which the material conditions are improved. This cannot be done by the bourgeoisie, as its progressive character is long since replaced by a regressive character.

3) Contradictions as the most important feature of society: Society is dominated of a wide range of contradictions. As these are different of nature, they must also be handled in different ways. The most important divide is the divide between contradictions among the masses and contradictions between the masses and their enemies. Also the socialist institutions are plagued with contradictions, and these contradictions must not be suppressed as they were during Stalin.

4) Cultural revolution: Bourgeois ideology is not wiped out by the revolution; the class-struggle continues, and even intensifies, during socialism. Therefore an instant struggle against these ideologies and their social roots must be conducted.

5) Theory of three worlds: During the cold war two imperialist states formed the “first world”; the USA and the Soviet Union. The second world consisted of the other imperialist states in their spheres of influence. The third world consisted of the non-imperialist countries. Both the first and the second world exploit the third world, but the first world is the most aggressive part. The workers in the first and second world are “bought up” by imperialism, preventing socialist revolution. The people of the third world, on the other hand, have not even a short-sighted interest in the prevailing circumstances. Hence revolution is most likely to appear in third world countries, which again will weaken imperialism opening up for revolutions in other countries too.

Maoism as a theory has grown its strongest roots among revolutionaries in the third world, and some of these movements, e.g. the CPN(M) in Nepal and the CPP of the Philippines, are advancing in their guerrilla warfare during the beginning of the 21st century. Western Maoism grew from the 1960s, and some of the movements have had some success in establishing themselves as the main communist parties in their countries.

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Master-Slave Dialectic [Oct. 1st, 2009|12:52 pm]
Taken from: http://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm


The Master-Slave dialectic is a process described by G. W. F. Hegel in the early 19th century, in which the unmediated contact between two subjects leads to the subordination of one subject by the other. This concept has been used to theorise forms of oppression such as colonisation and patriarchy and the struggle against this subordination, known as the “struggle for recognition.”

The master-slave dialectic was first outlined by Hegel in his System of Ethical Life, where it appeared in two forms: (1) the war between two subjects (such as ancient city-states), which can lead to a stand-off, i.e., peace, or the victory of one over the other; in the case of a decisive victory, the defeated subject may be wiped out (if the dominant culture produces no social surplus) or enslaved, and incorporated into the dominant subject; and (2) in the subordination of small-scale proprietors by wealthy families, reducing them to the status of employees or servants.

In the later Phenomenology, only the first of these dialectics was elaborated, as part of the process of development of subjective consciousness, and this passage has become Hegel’s most well-known and widely interpreted passage.

In 1937, Alexandre Kojève built a whole philosophical system around the master-slave dialectic, which was widely influential amongst the French radical intelligentsia in the post-World War Two period, and was used by Frantz Fanon as a basis for his analysis of colonialism and the struggle of subject peoples for their own national consciousness.

The essential form of the master-slave dialectic is this: both subjects are “duplicated,” that is, they have both an ideal and a material form, on one side, their ideas, beliefs, political and religious hierarchies, techniques of production and so on, and on the other side, their land, crops, animals, their bodies and means of production generally. The two subjects do not recognise each other’s property relations and go to war to protect their rights against the life-threatening intrusion of the foreign subject. Hegel places great emphasis on the willingness of one subject to risk death rather than subordinate themselves to the other, and eventually forcing the other to submit.

As a result, the ideal side of the subordinated subject is destroyed — their language, religious beliefs, techniques of production and even their own needs are marginalised or destroyed; the material side of the subordinated subject are “taken over” by the victorious subject — their land for example, and their labour. As a result, the enslaved subject is forced to work to meet the needs of the master subject, according to his law and his beliefs.

Modern society arises through the slave-subject raising itself up and overcoming the “stoic acceptance” of their enslavement, while the master-subject is “dissatisfied” by the worthlessness of recognition by the slave, desiring recognition from a subject like themselves. Crucial to this process, is that the slave actually produces the master’s needs, whereas the master’s culture is reproduced only thanks to the labour of the slave. This turns the tables on the master, and ushers in modern society in which all citizens have rights and the state comes to be an expression of the will of the people as a whole, not just the aristocracy, who remain, accoridng to Hegel, the ruling elite.

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Maath [Sep. 23rd, 2009|11:48 pm]
[Current Music |PJ Harvey + Legs]


23  + 23 + 93 + 93 = 232

2 + 3 + 2 = 7

Netzach 

Venus

as
it is
so be it
as it is so
be it as it is
so be it as it is
so be it as it is so


 
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The really good dreams are the ones that last [Sep. 23rd, 2009|11:27 pm]
[Current Music |Current 93 - The Inmost Light]



23

AS

IT

                           93  AS   IT              IS    SO    BE    IT    AS IT IS SO BE IT   93

SO

BE

IT

23
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2009? It's High Time for a Jacobin Barbecue! [Sep. 19th, 2009|12:58 pm]
[Current Music |Kemialliset Ystavat - Suurem Pieni Palatsi, Track 7]

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Friar Hermit [Sep. 18th, 2009|05:20 pm]
[Current Music |Led Zepplin - All My Love]

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Tentacles and Teen Boy 1 [Sep. 18th, 2009|04:57 pm]
[Current Music |Randy Greif - A Pool of Tears]

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Tentacles and Teen Boy 2 [Sep. 18th, 2009|04:55 pm]
[Current Music |Current 93 - Let Us Go to the Rose]

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Tentacles and Teen Boy 3 [Sep. 18th, 2009|04:54 pm]
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She Saw it on the Hilltop Where the Apple Trees Grow [Sep. 18th, 2009|04:49 pm]
[Current Music |Throbbing Gristle - The World is a War Film]

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"Wear the frost of the dead king" [Sep. 18th, 2009|04:41 pm]
[Tags|, ]
[Current Music |Espers - Dead King]

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Why Psychoanalysis is a queer theory [Aug. 22nd, 2009|05:51 pm]
[Current Music |Alice in Chains - Rooster]


Foucault's genealogical account of "sexuality" constituted a milestone for the theoretical fronts of numerous struggles (feminist, LGBT etc.). By undermining the notion that there is a natural "sexuality" which has expressed itself throughout the ages - organizing itself into various human types (the heterosexual, the homosexual etc.) - he thus historicized the modern regulatory regimes that produce these various "sexualities," giving us a powerful tool for attacking the tyranny of the norm. This account remains undeniably, urgently useful.

There are problems with this project, however. The main one, I would argue, is that it is an account which, to a large extent, ignores consciousness, subjectivity (keeping in step with Marx's old critique of liberal humanism: Social relations produce consciousness, and not the other way around). Foucault's is an account of subjugation/subjectivation without subjectivity. And yet we know that "sexual" subjects are not just subjects (and objects) of discourse, but also of practice, thought, experience, desire; Althusser's account of subjugation/subjectivation, with its more directly Lacanian tenor, at least preserves a way of dealing with subjectivity as it is produced through ideology functioning through in concrete institutions, what he calls ideological states apparatuses like the educational system, the churches, political parties etc.; this is one reason, among many others, why we need a reactualization of Althusserian structural-Marxism.

In greater part the late Foucault articulated his ideas directly in opposition to psychoanalysis, which had failed to take into account the historical contingency of its objects of study (the phenomena of human subjectivity) and had also been highly normative in its presuppositions and practical deployment (pathologizing "the homosexual," for example).

Nevertheless, psychoanalysis can be read in other ways. Its discourse is full of fissures and contradictions which challenge normative patriarchal-heterosexuality, and its claims to naturalness and superiority. This has led Judith Butler to supplement her mostly Foucauldian-performative theories with subversive readings of Freud and Lacan. For example, her deconstruction of Freud's 1917 essay, Mourning and Melancholia in Gender Trouble shows that Freud's own theories problematize heterosexuality's naturalistic and supremacist posturings. And in her book Bodies that Matter, she uses Freud and Lacan to develop the subversive notion of the lesbian phallus. This return to the psychoanalytic canon allows her to explore the complexities of psychic life without getting bogged down in the biological deterministic and behaviorist preoccupations of today's psychology. (Behaviorism is to psychology as structural functionalism is to sociology...a status-quo-supporting menace.)

Butler's utilization of these sources is not all that strange. I would argue that psychoanalysis has had a queer impact since its inception. Consider its role in the development of the contemporary concept of "gender." When we read scientific, literary and other texts of the early-to-mid 19th century, we can see that the concept of "sex" had not yet been split, or, more precisely, interrogated into proliferating further categories, such as sexual orientation and gender. By the end of the century these other concepts were developing, and Freud's theories of "psychosexual development" further propelled the process. Despite his normative aims, he effectively problematized the notion that biology automatically results in a particular psychic identification and trajectory of desire; Freud can, then, rightly be considered one of the fathers of our contemporary notions of sexual orientation and gender. By the middle of the 20th century gender itself had been bifurcated into its supposed component parts (much like the atom was forced to confess, under the scientific gaze, the existence of its constitutive quarks): gender role and gender identity; this was largely through the work of psychologist John Money who, like Freud, developed highly subversive ideas that he "repressed" for the promotion of normative aims (for example he saw nuture as being determinate in the last instance as far as gender role and identity were concerned, and yet he - with the help of other collegues at Johns Hopkins University - developed the psychologically and physically mutilative standards of "care" which seek to erase all signs of intersex variance in so-called "hermaphroditic" individuals).

These concepts became powerful tools for challenging patriarchy and other regimes of domination. Nevertheless, it is my view that both sexual orientation and gender - although they have served historically "progressive" roles - have reached the limit of their usefulness. I am embarking on a radical critique of both of these concepts, especially gender. I want to take up the challenge set by the lesbian feminist Monique Wittig (in The Category of Sex and other essays) and Judith Butler's work, both of which point to the fact that sex is always-already gender, or more precisely, that gender functions as a mask which covers up the prior construction of sex itself.

My point in saying that sex is constructed is not that physical differences among the human population (largely revolving around what we call reproductive capacity) do not exist; any more than I mean, by saying that race is constructed, that there are not small physical differences among the various human populations that have presumably resulted from micro-evolutionary adaptations to climate and other context-specific environmental factors (people from sunnier climes have higher concentrations of skin pigmentation, people from high altitudes have larger hearts because there, oxygen is scarcer, and it needs to be processed efficiently, etc.). My point is that the way material reality - bodies included - get entrapped, as it were, within the network, the power-structuring void of the signifier, is never given in advance (I will develop this idea more later). It is always emergent, resulting from complex processes that are overdetermined by economic, political and other factors. The physical differences in question do not automatically result in the concepts of sex and race. (It is not at all clear, for example, that the various terms supposedly equivalent to "man" and "woman" in the cultures of the world are truly equivalent, especially when we consider that many cultures have recognized more than two "sexes," and that the suppression of this diversity has been one aspect of the Western colonial/imperial projects; we cannot even be sure that such signifiers used in one culture have precisely the same signifieds over time; Saussure observed that individual diachronic changes in a semiotic system, such as culture, result in changes throughout the system...And consider that the modern concept of race is only a few hundred years old, and has also been part of the justifying ideology of Western colonialism/imperialism. The biological, "scientific" notion of race goes back only to the late 19th century, making it a contemporary of sexual orientation).* This is what I mean when I say that "no particular social category is inevitable or natural." There is nothing natural about signification, even though "There is no symbolic communication without some 'piece of the real' to serve as a kind of pawn guaranteeing its consistency" (Žižek 30). Any counter-hegemonic strategy must constantly interrogate these ongoing, ever-shifting processes of signification.

But back to the topic of psychoanalysis. Isn't there something rather queer about the following theses, making us somewhat justified in calling psychoanalysis a queer theory avant la lettre, as it addresses the formation of subjectivity while at the same time undermining the notion of any natural or inevitable subjectivity?

Concerning fantasy, Žižek says, "...in Lacanian theory, fantasy designates the subject's 'impossible' relation to [objet petit] a, to the object-cause of its desire. Fantasy is usually conceived as a scenario that realizes the subject's desire. This elementary definition is quite adequate, on condition that we take it literally: what the fantasy stages is not a scene in which our desire is fulfilled, fully satisfied, but on the contrary, a scene that realizes, stages, the desire as such. The fundamental point of psychoanalysis is that desire is not something given in advance, but something that has to be constructed - and it is precisely the role of fantasy to give the coordinates of the subject's desire, to specify its object, to locate the position the subject assumes in it. It is only through fantasy that the subject is constituted as desiring: through fantasy, we learn how to desire" (6).

And Žižek says, concerning "the Freudian notion of the drive" that "its object is ultimately indifferent and arbitrary (32)." And furthermore that "the drives are by definition 'partial,' they are always tied to specific parts of the body's surface - the so-called 'erogenous zones' - which, contrary to the superficial view, are not biologically determined but result instead from the signifying parceling of the body. Certain parts of the body's surface are erotically privileged not because of their anatomical position but because of the way the body is caught up in the symbolic network...The final proof of this fact consists in a phenomenon often encountered in the hysterical symptoms where a part of the body that usually has no erogenous value starts to function as an erogenous zone (neck, nose, etc.)" (21).

 

*If sex itself is constructed, sexual orientation gets even shakier. "Its apparently-solid ground is no rock, but thin air."

 

All Slavoj Žižek quotations from Looking Awry: An Introduction to Jacques Lacan through Popular Culture.
 

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